As
the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has concluded, "For
injection drug users who cannot or will not stop injecting drugs, using
sterile needles and syringes only once remains the safest, most
effective approach for limiting HIV transmission."(1) The
numerous state and local laws and regulations that limit access to
sterile needles were put in place just as the not-yet-understood
HIV/AIDS epidemic was beginning to spread across the United States.
With no scientific studies to support their thinking, lawmakers
merely assumed that if access to syringes were limited, injecting drug
use would be reduced.(2) This
assumption proved tragically wrong.
Limiting access to sterile needles did reduce the supply of
sterile needles, but it did not reduce injecting drug use. Injecting drug use continued apace as users shared needles
and, consequently, their HIV and other blood-borne infections as well. The
all-too-slow process of reform Elimination
of the barriers to accessing sterile needles is coming all too slowly.
The first wave of reform in any city or state often occurs
as a few activists, concerned with saving lives right now, set up a
needle exchange, giving out sterile needles and collecting used ones.(3)
This direct action cuts through restrictive laws and regulations.
But it is risky and requires courage.
The activists see themselves as public health workers; some
police, prosecutors, elected officials, and community members see them
as criminals. In
the second wave of reform, activists in a particular city gain local
support, and the local legal situation is reconfigured to give the
needle exchange staff and participants protection from arrest for needle
possession. In the most
successful instances of reform, such as in the states of Connecticut,
Hawaii, and New Mexico, the state government, through its health
department, begins running needle exchanges and expands service to other
areas of the state where it is needed. The
third wave of reform involves changing laws and regulations so that
pharmacists can sell syringes without a prescription.
To be effective, the pharmacy effort has to include educational
programs to inform pharmacists of the public health importance of
over-the-counter sales of syringes.
Care also must be taken that syringes are sold without regard to
race or ethnicity.
A St. Louis study, for example, found that several pharmacies
were willing to sell syringes to whites but not to African Americans.(4) In
the year 2000, New Hampshire, New York and Rhode Island reformed their
laws, making it possible for pharmacies to sell without a prescription.
California, Delaware, Illinois, Massachusetts, Nevada, New
Jersey, and Pennsylvania are the only remaining states with severely
restrictive syringe prescription laws or regulations.
A
promising fourth wave of reform, just beginning, is physician
prescription of syringes. Prescribing
syringes to prevent the spread of HIV is a legitimate medical purpose.
The relevant governing bodies in Rhode Island have recognized
this to be the case, and some injecting drug users in that state are now
able to get syringes by prescription from their doctor. A
final wave of reform involves changing the laws governing drug
paraphernalia. This reform
is completed in only nine states (Alaska, Connecticut, Georgia, Maine,
Minnesota, New Hampshire, New York, Oregon, and Wisconsin).
Laws prohibiting possession of sterile needles and other related
safe injection equipment (such as cookers and cotton) need to be removed
from all the state and local drug paraphernalia laws.
Anything less will continue the spread of HIV and other
blood-borne diseases. Needle
exchange programs today In
1998, there were 131 needle exchange programs in the United States, up
from 113 the previous year.(5)
Many major cities - including Chicago, Detroit, Honolulu, New
York City, Philadelphia, and San Francisco - had needle exchange
programs. Progress
in making needle exchange programs legal has been much too slow.
Of the 110 exchanges responding to the 1998 survey, 59 were
legal; 24 were illegal-tolerated by local officials, and 27 were
illegal-underground.(6),
(7) Once
legal, programs have achieved considerable success in getting public
funds. In 1998, 51 programs
reported receiving state or local government funds. The
illegal-tolerated exchanges are often able to exist in a relatively
public fashion because, while officials have not yet reformed the needle
access laws and regulations, they nonetheless understand that it makes
no sense to arrest people working to stem an epidemic. But
arrests do occur. In 1998,
there were 10 arrests of needle exchange staff or volunteers in five
different states. In the
worst case, arrest and successful prosecution can shut down a needle
exchange entirely.(8)
Arrest or the threat of arrest can reduce the effectiveness of a
needle exchange by discouraging donations, by deterring volunteers from
working at the exchange (effectively reducing the number of hours the
exchange is open), and by frightening away prospective clients.
The threat of arrest can also force a program to move to a less
accessible location, making it difficult for those who need the
exchange's services to find it.(9)
As pointed out in Section 4, arrest or the threat of arrest also
reduces the effectiveness of needle exchange programs in getting
interested drug users into drug treatment. Needle
exchanges as harm reduction organizations Needle
exchange programs see themselves as part of a larger harm reduction
movement. By slowing the spread of HIV, they are reducing the harm from
injecting drug use. Without
calling it that, we, as a society, practice harm reduction all the time.
We reduce the harm of riding a motorcycle by requiring riders to
wear helmets. We reduce the harm from car accidents by requiring people
to wear seat belts. We
reduce the harm to nonsmokers by requiring that smoking be done only in
designated areas. We reduce
the harm from excessive drinking at parties and bars by encouraging the
use of a designated driver who does not drink.
By preventing the spread of HIV and other blood-borne diseases,
needle exchange programs reduce the harm that comes from injecting drug
use. Making
police into partners Police
education is a key component in the development of a successful needle
exchange program. In 1998,
some 45 programs reported police harassment of people coming to use the
exchange. The most common
form of harassment occurred when officers confiscated syringes or forced
exchange participants to break the points off their syringes.
Participant
harassment occurred at legal as well as underground programs.
In 1998, participants in 17 legal needle exchange programs, 15
illegal-tolerated programs and 13 illegal-underground programs
experienced police harassment. Although
individual police officers can remain confused about the role of needle
exchange programs in disease prevention, when it is explained to them,
many officers see both their own personal advantage and the public
health benefits of needle exchange programs.
An
officer patting down a suspect is much less likely to get a dangerous
needle stick when the suspect is carrying a new syringe with its
protective cap (which is legal and the suspect feels free to mention)
than when a suspect is hiding a used and (perhaps infected), illegal
needle whose protective cap has long since been lost. The
continuing epidemic For
those concerned about the spread of HIV/AIDS among injecting drug users,
their non-drug-using sexual partners, and newborn children, the pace of
needle access reform has been far too slow.
Of the ten states with the highest rates of injection-related
AIDS in 1998, substantial progress in reform has been made in three
(Connecticut, New York, and Rhode Island).
Some progress had been made in another three (Maryland,
Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania), but virtually no progress had been
made in four (Delaware, Louisiana, New Jersey, and Florida).(10) With
50 people in the United States being infected every day with HIV as a
result of intravenous drug use, it is clear we must do more.(11)
We need to continue to educate people to the harms of drug use,
particularly injection drug use. And we must listen to the expertise and wisdom of our public
health officials and make sterile needles legally available to people
who inject drugs. We must:
As
a humane society, we must reach the point where injecting drug users in
every state can legally protect themselves from HIV and other
blood-borne diseases and where needle exchange workers in every state
are treated not as criminals but as the public health workers they are.
Footnotes (1)
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). "Drug-Associated
HIV Transmission Continues in the United States," August 1999. (2)
Lawrence O. Gostin, Zita Lazzarine, T. Stephen Jones, and Kathleen
Flaherty, "Prevention of HIV/AIDS and Other Blood-Borne Diseases
Among Injection Drug Users: A National Survey on the Regulation of
Syringes and Needles," Journal of the American Medical
Association,
January 1, 1997, vol. 277, pages 53-62. (3)
The overview of the process of needle access reform is based on Dr. Dawn
Day's numerous conversations with leaders in the needle exchange
movement. The information
on the legal situation in particular states with regard to prescription
laws or paraphernalia laws is taken from Scott Burris, Peter Lurie,
Daniel Abrahamson, and Josiah D. Rich, "Physician Prescribing of
Sterile Injection Equipment to Prevent HIV Infection: Time for
Action," Annals of Internal Medicine, August 2000, vol. 133, pages
218-226. The information on
the physician prescription experience in Rhode Island is taken from
Josiah D. Rich, "Physician Syringe Prescription to Prevent HIV in
Rhode Island," presentation at the North American Syringe Exchange
Convention, Portland, Oregon, April 2000.
Follow this link for more information on physician
prescription of syringes. (4)
W. M. Compton, L. B. Cottler, S. H. Decker, and others, "Legal
Needle Buying in St. Louis," American Journal of Public Health,
1992, vol. 82, no. 4, pages 595-596. Another study found that when the
state closed the local needle exchange, the pharmacists in the area who
previously had been selling needles over the counter began refusing to
sell syringes without a prescription. Robert S. Broadhead, Yael van
Hulst, and Douglas D. Heckathorn, "The Impact of a Needle
Exchange's Closure," Public Health Reports, September/October 1999,
vol. 114, pages 439-447. (5)
The information on needle exchange programs in 1998 is taken from Denise
Panoe, Don C. Des Jarlais, Mytri Ptritam Singh, Courtney McKnight, and
Stephen Titus, "National Syringe Exchange Survey 1998,"
presentation at the North American Syringe Exchange Convention,
Portland, Oregon, April 2000. The 1997 information is from "Update:
Syringe Exchange Programs - United States, 1997," Morbidity and
Mortality Weekly Report," August 14, 1998, vol. 47, no. 31,
pages 652-655. (6)
Paone and her colleagues define legal needle exchange programs as those
operating in states that had no law requiring a prescription to purchase
a hypodermic syringe or that had an exemption to the law allowing the
program to operate. Illegal-tolerated programs operated in states with a
prescription law and received a formal vote of support or approval of a
local elected body such as a city council. Illegal-underground exchanged
operated in states with a prescription law and did not have formal
support of local elected officials. (7)
Scott Burris, Davis Finucane, Heather Gallagher, and Joseph Grace,
"The Legal Strategies Used in Operating Syringe Exchange Programs
in the United States," American Journal of Public Health, August 1996, vol. 86, pages
1161-1166. (8)
This is what happened in New Jersey.
See Dawn Day, "Sad
Termination of a Life-Saving Project," Trenton Times, December
25, 1998, page A13. (9)
Ricky N. Bluthenthal, Alex H. Kral, Jennifer Lorvick, and John K.
Watters, 1997, "Impact of Law Enforcement on Syringe Exchange
Programs: A Look at Oakland and San Francisco," Medical
Anthropology, vol. 18, pages 61-83. (10)
Dawn Day, States and Metro Areas Hardest
Hit by the HIV/AIDS Epidemic, Princeton, N.J.: Dogwood Center,
November 1999. (11)
The figure of 50 new HIV infections each day from using HIV-infected
needles comes from dividing 20,000 by 365. The CDC estimates there are
40,000 new HIV infections every year. CDC, "Guidelines for National
Human Immunodeficiency Virus Case Surveillance, Including Monitoring for
Human Immunodeficiency Virus Infection and Acquired Immunodeficiency
Syndrome," Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, 1999, vol. 48,
no. RR-13, page 19. Our best estimate is that half of all new HIV
infections are occurring among injecting drug users. See Scott D.
Holmberg, "The Estimated Prevalence and Incidence of HIV in 96
Large U.S. Metropolitan Areas, American Journal of Public Health, May
1996, vol. 86, no. 5, pages 642-654. For a list of other materials used on this website, see References. |